Raila Odinga is making it very uncomfortable to be in high office these days. It is now proven that if Raila Odinga says it is raining, doubting him will only lead to soaked clothes. Mr Odinga's rain may be a day or three or a month late, but it will rain. He didn't have a shred of proof that the former Devolution and Planning Cabinet Secretary was a crook, yet she is out of a job and fighting to clear her name from allegations of perfidy and conspiracy made by a woman who appears to have been very close to her. It isn't just that Mr Odinga has somehow managed to turn the spotlight on the former minister that is notable, but the fact that even her erstwhile fiercest defenders have developed severe cases of political and administrative amnesia.
Just so we know that scores are being kept, Mr Odinga raised serious doubts about the whole Eurobond transaction. Mr Rotich, the National Treasury nawab told him, more or less, to get stuffed. Mr Rotich should examine carefully the fate of former waziris when Mr Odinga decides to address their weaknesses and shortcomings. Those former waziris always come to a bad end. Always.
Mr Odinga is the reason why some, like owaahh.com, have been able to fearlessly dig into some of our knottiest controversies to expose the dark underbelly of our public service, its seniormost ranks and the deep secrets that it hides for the comfort of a few. The affidavit-afflicted former waziri was one of the most promising members of the Cabinet with a portfolio that spanned well-funded sectors and influence that rivalled that of the National Treasury and Interior waziris, and the Deputy President himself. No more. Raila Odinga thought that there was something fishy in the way that the waziri attempted to paint him in a very bad light, and her goose was well and truly cooked.
Because of Mr Odinga there are many Kenyans unafraid of asking hard questions of their nawabs. Mr Odinga has one more to reform the government under the Constitution than any other politician, and that counts Mwai Kibaki who finally bowed to the inevitable constitutional referendum of 2010 and Baba Moi who folded his tent in the aftermath of the 2002 general election. Because of the path that Mr Odinga has blazed, whether or not he did it for selfish reasons, public officers live with the fear that their quickfingered natures will not remain secret for long, the only question being, How much will Kenyans find out and how painful will the penalties be?
Of course many Kenyans can now take advantage of the anonymity conferred by the internet and tor-like networks, encryption and decryption keys, pass-word and biometric-protected communications devices and systems, and faster-than-a-bushfire array of social media tools that did not exist when David Munyakei blew the whistle on the then biggest scam in Kenya's history, Goldenberg. Those hit hard by unsavoury revelations have attempted to hit back, targetting the overt purveyors of bilge like Cyprian Nyakundi and Robert Alai, but the sub rosa operators like Owaahh remain only known to their intimates and confidants.
Kenyans' right to know about their government and its secrets has benefitted greatly from the anonymity offered online, and despite the attempts to control the online world, will continue to do so for a long time to come. Mr Odinga can take heart that while he may know little about social media propaganda, he has inspired the hardest hitting exposés that have laid bare the darkness at the hear of the government he once served. One day, when the careers of well-connected pilferers have led them to long prison sentences, Kenyans will have to acknowledge Mr Odinga's place in the creation of the citizen investigative journalism era.
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