Let
us not pretend that we are ready for a civilised debate on the issues
in Kenya. It is the political equivalent of regional balancing that is
all the rage today. If Prime Minister Raila Odinga, Deputy Prime
Ministers Uhuru Kenyatta and Musalia Mudavadi, NARC-K's Iron Lady Martha
Karua, NARC's Mama Rainbow Charity Ngilu, Vice President Kalonzo
Musyoka, blowing hot-and-cold Mutava Musyimi, photogenic Peter Kenneth,
youthful Eugene Wamalwa, combative Moses Wetangula, former ODM's man in
the Rift Valley William Ruto and the dark horses that are Raphael Tuju
and James Ole Kiyiapi are honest with themselves too, they are not
interested in a debate on the issues. In the transitional elections of
2013, Kenyans will still be held hostage to self-destructive acts,
including election violence, ethnic jingoism and political corruption of
all shades.
This should not cause the Makau Mutuas of this world to lose faith in the process. When the revolution that ended KANU's hegemony brought Mwai Kibaki to power in 2003 began, our euphoria at ending 24 years of Nyayoism should have been tempered with political honesty from the men and women at the centre of the revolution. They should have reminded us that other than violent revolutions that bring about cataclysmic changes as they unfold, Kenya was not yet ready for the required institutional and political changes that would see Kenyans enjoy freedom and economic progress. It took a hiccup in the revolution to bring home this sad truth, the violence that rocked the country after Mwai Kibaki's re-election in 2007 and the creation of the coalition in 2008. But make no mistake, the revolution is yet to run its course. It has bequeathed upon the nation a new constitution and new institutions to oversee the reform agenda.
Like the much tom-tommed Vision 2030 flagship projects, the revolution has already snagged its first flagship project: a reforming Judiciary under the leadership of the CJ, Dr Willy Mutunga. The reform of the Executive branch is unfolding in unexpected ways. Mwai Kibaki has allowed his Cabinet a relatively free had to experiment with their leadership principles and styles with mixed results. Some members of his Cabinet have been at the heart of some of the most spectacular crimes against the people, while others have been at the forefront of transforming the government. The same is true of the National Assembly. Under the leadership of Francis Ole Kaparo (2003 to 2007) and Kenneth Marende (2008 - ), the National Assembly has grown more assertive and has played a key role in keeping the Executive on its toes. Of course the greed that legislators have demonstrated over the past decade is something Kenyans would wish to reverse; it is unreasonable for the legislators to earn millions annually without much to show for it from a political point of view. This, however, is the price we have paid for the relative stability we have enjoyed in the decade, the violence of 2007 and 2008 being an aberration many hope will not be repeated.
Reform is yet to seriously change the way Kenyans play their role in the political process. It is argued that their political apathy, except in the participation in political campaigns, stems largely from the vicious cycle of poverty and illiteracy. Mwai Kibaki set to break the cycle when his government abolished all fees for primary education and some of them for secondary education while at the same time expanding the opportunities for higher learning for the hundreds of thousands of annual secondary school-leavers. The benefits of a liberal university education will be enjoyed down the road. It was too much to expect that all sectors of the economy would be firing on all cylinders in the midst of a global recession; the foreign direct investment essential to taking advantage of the graduating university masses was simply not there.
Progress so far is a mixed bag. Some institutions are laying the foundation for even more significant change while others still need a kick in the pants to get over their entrenched hurdles. The missing ingredient is an enlightened and engaged public. We will get there, one way or the other, but it will take a mixture of luck, political courage, changing global economic dynamics and the active participation of the people to do so. Are we up to the challenge?
This should not cause the Makau Mutuas of this world to lose faith in the process. When the revolution that ended KANU's hegemony brought Mwai Kibaki to power in 2003 began, our euphoria at ending 24 years of Nyayoism should have been tempered with political honesty from the men and women at the centre of the revolution. They should have reminded us that other than violent revolutions that bring about cataclysmic changes as they unfold, Kenya was not yet ready for the required institutional and political changes that would see Kenyans enjoy freedom and economic progress. It took a hiccup in the revolution to bring home this sad truth, the violence that rocked the country after Mwai Kibaki's re-election in 2007 and the creation of the coalition in 2008. But make no mistake, the revolution is yet to run its course. It has bequeathed upon the nation a new constitution and new institutions to oversee the reform agenda.
Like the much tom-tommed Vision 2030 flagship projects, the revolution has already snagged its first flagship project: a reforming Judiciary under the leadership of the CJ, Dr Willy Mutunga. The reform of the Executive branch is unfolding in unexpected ways. Mwai Kibaki has allowed his Cabinet a relatively free had to experiment with their leadership principles and styles with mixed results. Some members of his Cabinet have been at the heart of some of the most spectacular crimes against the people, while others have been at the forefront of transforming the government. The same is true of the National Assembly. Under the leadership of Francis Ole Kaparo (2003 to 2007) and Kenneth Marende (2008 - ), the National Assembly has grown more assertive and has played a key role in keeping the Executive on its toes. Of course the greed that legislators have demonstrated over the past decade is something Kenyans would wish to reverse; it is unreasonable for the legislators to earn millions annually without much to show for it from a political point of view. This, however, is the price we have paid for the relative stability we have enjoyed in the decade, the violence of 2007 and 2008 being an aberration many hope will not be repeated.
Reform is yet to seriously change the way Kenyans play their role in the political process. It is argued that their political apathy, except in the participation in political campaigns, stems largely from the vicious cycle of poverty and illiteracy. Mwai Kibaki set to break the cycle when his government abolished all fees for primary education and some of them for secondary education while at the same time expanding the opportunities for higher learning for the hundreds of thousands of annual secondary school-leavers. The benefits of a liberal university education will be enjoyed down the road. It was too much to expect that all sectors of the economy would be firing on all cylinders in the midst of a global recession; the foreign direct investment essential to taking advantage of the graduating university masses was simply not there.
Progress so far is a mixed bag. Some institutions are laying the foundation for even more significant change while others still need a kick in the pants to get over their entrenched hurdles. The missing ingredient is an enlightened and engaged public. We will get there, one way or the other, but it will take a mixture of luck, political courage, changing global economic dynamics and the active participation of the people to do so. Are we up to the challenge?
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